Working Papers

How is between-group inequality related to collective action potential in highly clientelistic settings? Much of the existing work on the political implications of between-group inequality has been conducted at coarse geographical scales, such as the country-level. We argue it is crucial to examine how the structure of economic inequality at hyper-local levels, such as the neighborhood-level, conditions political outcomes. We draw on original fine-grained household survey data, including an experiment, from over 200 Indian informal settlements — or “slums” — as well as multi-faceted social networks data from a subset of these settlements, to demonstrate that local inequality between ethnic groups is associated with decreased collective action potential. We also test several potential mechanisms that could underly this association. Consistent with existing findings from coarser scales, we find neighborhoods with higher levels of inequality between ethnic groups evince higher levels of conflict and lower levels of reciprocity. We also propose a novel mechanism based on exploratory analyses: community leaders, or brokers, face barriers to amassing followers in areas with higher inter-group inequality, which has adverse consequences for group mobilization. Our findings contribute to growing work in comparative politics on how diversity and the structure of inequality affect political behavior, especially in cities in the Global South.

We examine how the office a candidate seeks influences their use of feminine stereotypes in campaign messaging, focusing on the interplay between government branches (legislative and executive) and jurisdictions (local, state, and federal). We argue that when a particular office is seen as more feminine, such as school boards or city councils, women candidates will perceive a strategic opportunity to emphasize feminine traits to showcase their qualifications for that office. Women candidates will be more likely to perceive and leverage these strategic opportunities relative to men because of the congruence between being a woman and being seen as having feminine stereotypes. Drawing on an exhaustive and novel dataset of nearly 49,083 campaign ads from the 2012-2020 election cycles, we analyze candidates' strategic use of masculine and feminine traits across local, state, and federal legislative and executive offices. Contrary to our initial expectations, our findings suggest that women candidates do not significantly tailor their use of feminine stereotypes to match the perceived femininity of the office they seek. We find that women and men are more likely to use masculine traits over feminine traits. We also find that women appear to employ a dual stereotype strategy across offices with a higher likelihood of emphasizing feminine traits and masculine traits in strategic messages. The results from our analyses of the novel campaign data contribute to an understanding of how candidates strategically emphasize feminine characteristics across contexts.

Research finds both that women are less likely to protest than men and that cellphone access increases protest participation. Yet, no work asks whether gulfs in mobile ownership between men and women affect protest turnout gaps. Our manuscript examines this relationship, showing that the growing gender digital divide in cellphone ownership exacerbates the participation gap. We use survey data from Africa to show that where women systematically own fewer cellphones than men, they protest less frequently than men. We use a variety of methodological techniques to address concerns of endogeneity and show our results hold in a global sample. We also probe one mechanism underpinning this relationship; we demonstrate that women who do not own cellphones face a political information disadvantage that limits their engagement. We conclude that unequal cellphone access further entrenches women’s position on the political margins.

While governments and development agencies have prioritised formalising property rights over the past few decades, evidence on the gendered impacts of these efforts remains limited. This article builds on an impact evaluation of a massive intervention aimed at improving land tenure security in Mozambique to begin filling crucial empirical gaps on the extent to which property reforms affect women and men differently. While our larger impact evaluation finds formalisng land rights significantly improved household-level tenure security in urban Mozambique, our novel endline survey of 850 husband and wife pairs combined with detailed focus group discussions provide important evidence that individual-level effects vary substantially for women. Women who are explicitly listed on formal documents experience improved decision-making power and rights over their household’s land. However, women were rarely listed on documents during this intervention, and we argue that gatekeeping by household heads, as well as existing community gender norms, structure both the implementation and potential impacts of programs focused on women’s property rights. Based on our findings, we caution that omitting women’s names when formalising household land rights may even exacerbate household inequalities. This article makes several important empirical contributions to research on gender, urban property rights, and development.

Gender gaps in political participation are particularly large in developing countries. Though developing countries are rapidly urbanizing, evidence on urban gender gaps remains scarce and almost entirely omits a vast yet politically active population — those residing in informal settlements (or “slums”). This article proposes and tests a framework explaining how gender and informality intersect to create distinctive gender gaps in political behavior in informal urban areas. Drawing on existing literature and original interviews with urban slum residents, I argue that key characteristics of slum neighborhoods — their social and physical density as well as their reliance on political mobilization to access neighborhood resources — have important implications for women’s participation. I test my expectations with original household survey and social networks data from over 9,000 from three Indian cities. I find 1.) women are as embedded and active in neighborhood clientelistic networks as men; 2.) women in slums are just as active as men in communal mobilization efforts to improve neighborhood outcomes; and 3.) women’s participation varies meaningfully across these settlements. This article advances an understanding of how rapid urbanization will affect gender gaps in the Global South and calls for far more research to be conducted on this topic.

Urban economic growth is often associated with transformation in the name of development. However, to build new roads or create green space, city planners transform the preexisting urban environment, often displacing cities’ most vulnerable residents. As developing countries rapidly urbanize, millions of residents of informal settlements are at risk of eviction each year, often without advance notice or alternate arrangements upon displacement. Despite the important consequences of these trends, there is strikingly little quantitative evidence on which settlements governments displace in the name of modernization and why. This article investigates displacement in the case of Patna, Bihar, India. We combine a unique set of five data sources to empirically assess which prevailing theoretical explanations for displacement best explain eviction patterns. These sources include administrative surveys of urban slums, pre-eviction original household surveys with slum residents, repeated post-eviction interviews with key informants from the same settlements, panel analysis of satellite images, and novel geospatial data on local economic activity. Our findings reveal that officials primarily targeted the poorest settlements located on the least economically valuable land for displacement, and up to four years after displacement these areas have rarely been redeveloped. Eviction orders were carried out by officials from higher administrative levels, and local political connections did not prevent evictions. We argue our findings collectively support the logic that higher-level officials order evictions to assert their authority in a context of complex overlapping jurisdictions, rather than for economic development purposes. Future scholarship should continue to empirically examine how local political and economic factors can produce divergent displacement patterns across cities.

Nearly one-sixth of humanity live in urban “slums” — neighborhoods that lack access to secure property rights and basic services — and this number is increasing rapidly as developing countries continue to urbanize. Despite their proximity to public servants and public services, slum residents remain largely disconnected from formal institutions. On top of exclusion from government resources, slum residents are also subjected to threats of displacement and financial exploitation from a range of both state and non-state actors. To mitigate these vulnerabilities, residents draw on informal political strategies to negotiate with the state for material improvements. Yet, despite a shared context of poverty and informality, residents of different slums vary considerably in how they engage politically. What explains differences in political behavior across settlements? Drawing on in-depth interviews with over 100 Indian slum residents and leaders, I propose a framework to explain how neighborhood characteristics shape political strategies across slum settlements. I argue slums vary along two key dimensions — access to formal resources (including, for example, property rights and identification documents) and strength of informal political networks — that are crucial for understanding whether and how residents negotiate with the state. I test this framework with original survey data from nearly 10,000 households from over 200 neighborhoods from Bengaluru, Jaipur, and Patna, India. These data comprise some of the most comprehensive data on Indian slums currently available to researchers. The findings not only have important implications for understanding development outcomes, but also for understanding how the urban poor understand and exercise their rights as citizens.

Mobile phone ownership has surged around the world. Estimates suggest nearly 69% of the world’s population subscribes to a mobile service. At the same time, gaps between men and women’s mobile phone ownership remains substantial. In 2020, 20 million more men were digitally connected than women. This gender digital divide—which refers to disparities between women and men’s access to and use of digital technologies, is observed virtually everywhere in the world, with the largest gulfs in low- and middle-income countries. These gaps have such powerful social, political and economic implications for women’s advancement that the United Nations’ under-secretary has declared the gender digital divide, the “new face of gender inequality” The potential benefits of cellphones make the reasons for widespread equity concerns apparent. Mobile phones play an important role in boosting economic opportunity and facilitating education and healthcare service delivery, among other important benefits (OECD 2018). At the same time, such advantages are mostly accessible to individuals with regular mobile phone access—phone owners.

While extant work examines the ways the gender digital divide stymies women’s economic empowerment (Roessler et al. 2021), researchers have completely overlooked the political consequences of this divide. We examine this lacuna. Specifically, we ask: How do gender gaps in cellphone ownership influence disparities in men’s and women’s civic and political participation?

Despite the tremendous gains experienced in joining the workforce, many women in low- and middle income contexts continue to opt out of working for pay. In this paper, we explore reasons why women’s employment rates continue to be low, despite women reporting interest in working. In surveying respondents across household member roles, we account for the complex intra household decision making in determining what kinds of jobs are suitable for women. Findings from a conjoint experiment varying attributes of work show that household members converge on responsiveness to the wage rate, much more so than other job features. Household members diverge on preferences for risk for women’s work –we find that men are more sensitive to informal jobs with contingent tenures and uncertain pay schedules. Preferences are impacted by other job features such as job location and flexibility of working hours, but to a much lesser extent than monetary benefits. Surprisingly, co-worker gender and caste identity are insignificant factors in determining job preference. All told, we provide new insights into how women and their families negotiate the complex tradeoffs inherent in women’s choice to enter the workforce.